Imagine how effective he is talking to tech companies about coming to SC, showing off his shiny abacus

Graham is not a morning person, but at that hour in May he was thoroughly revved up, despite eating only a pack of crackers for breakfast. (Graham does not cook; it is widely believed by those close to him that he is incapable of manipulating a coffee machine, an oven, a toaster or a can opener.) 

...It plainly delights Graham to be where the action is — and to let people know it. Yet he seems, for someone so savvy and influential, to lack even the most remedial measure of sophistication. His culinary weaknesses tend toward Chick-fil-A, except when dieting, and sweetish alcoholic beverages like Baileys liqueur and (during our recent dinner) almond schnapps. The row house on Capitol Hill that Graham purchased in 1998 is sparsely adorned, says a friend, “with early college-reject furniture” that was in fact left behind by the previous owner. It took months for Graham to realize that someone had stolen a TV of his, since it was in his kitchen, which he never uses. Bachelorhood would appear to have chosen Lindsey Graham, rather than the other way around — though a former adviser once told me that during Graham’s early Congressional races, stricken-hearted women would show up to the campaign office bearing newly purchased ties and dress shirts for the candidate to wear.

The hyperlinked world leaves Graham utterly at sea. He has never owned a BlackBerry or an iPhone. His staff maintains a Facebook page and posts on Twitter on his behalf, but without Graham’s supervision. The one strand of modern science that rivets Lindsey Graham is the public-opinion poll. Since his first Congressional race in 1994, Graham has employed the services of the South Carolina political consultant Richard Quinn. Quinn’s surveys now find Graham’s approval rating among Republicans at 64, which is 13 points lower than South Carolina’s far more conservative junior senator, Jim DeMint, but still quite high given Graham’s periodic defections from the conservative movement. When Graham takes on an issue, his seemingly off-the-cuff musings reflect his knowledge of Quinn’s data.